这两天日子过得不错,睡觉起来买上一杯大咖啡,去图书馆看书,然后去听讲座,晚上回来整理笔记。刚刚看了一篇随笔叫做《小资情调与上海出产的经济学家》,大致是说午后草坪,一杯咖啡,一本书,然后细细地观察生活。当然这只是这种状态的一种表现,不管在哪里,都应该带着这种悠然见南山的心态。
还要整理一些未完成的笔记。Schultz的《改造传统农业》的逻辑条理非常棒,很严谨,我想在自己积淀不足的情况下还是可以学习下的。
分工理论在经济学中的地位和历史演变,牵扯问题太多,尝试着按条例去补充一下自己的认知,发现太难。不过研究很有一起,从500BC-2000AD,从色诺芬的城邦统计开始,到阿拉伯的几位智者,荀子、孟子、管子的一些看法,再到当今的Computerization, 由于才识疏浅,我第一次听说经济学理论的奠基人亚当斯密老先生的著作《国富论》被大多数学者认定为抄袭。老师的文化积淀实在令人佩服,但当我自己开始阅读时,发现很多都不能读懂,诸如色诺芬的APOLOGY,还有杜格尔,ADAM FEGUSSON。阅读能力是个问题。还有一些笔记要补充,还有区域经济的作业未完成。加油一下。也希望蛙郎能在一起,两个人读书要比一个人有趣多了。
本想给Economist写信,关于上期杂志上关于非洲与中国的一篇评论有时偏颇。没想到今天准备找editor的地址时,发现在本期的来信中已经刊登了与我相同的观点。看来凡事要早。
Language lesson
SIR – Your leader on the relationship between Africa and China stated that the “characters for ‘Africa’ in the Mandarin language mean ‘wrong continent’” (“Wrong model, right continent”, October 28th). This is incorrect. The written language is Chinese; Mandarin and other names refer to its widespread standard pronunciation. Moreover, the Chinese term for Africa is Feizhou. Although Fei does have a primary meaning of “not” or “wrong” no Chinese reader would think of it as more than a phonetic element, any more than they would think of England, Yingguo, as the “brave country” or America, Meiguo, as the “beautiful country”.
John Wills
Professor emeritus of Chinese history
University of Southern California, Los Angeles
以下为原文:
Africa and China
Wrong model, right continent
Oct 26th 2006
From The Economist print edition
China knows what it wants from Africa and will probably get it. The converse isn't true
AFP

THE characters for “Africa” in the Mandarin language mean “wrong continent”. But the Chinese have often ignored this etymological hint. In the 15th century the emperor's emissaries sailed as far as Mozambique, carrying silk and returning with a giraffe. In the cold war Maoists dotted Africa with hospitals, football stadiums and disastrous ideas.
Next week China will host more than 30 African leaders from the wrong continent in Beijing, offering them a pinch of debt relief, a splash of aid, plus further generous helpings of trade and investment. China already buys a tenth of sub-Saharan Africa's exports and owns almost .2 billion of direct investments in the region (see
article). A Chinese diaspora in Africa now numbers perhaps 80,000, including labourers and businessmen, who bring entrepreneurial wit and wisdom to places usually visited only by Land Cruisers from international aid agencies.
What is in it for China? It no longer wants Africa's hearts, minds or giraffes. Mostly, it just wants its oil, ores and timber—plus its backing at the United Nations. Thus, even as the Chinese win mining rights, repair railways and lay pipelines on the continent, Africa's governments are shuttering their embassies in Taiwan in deference to Beijing's one-China policy.
This suits Africa's governments. The scramble for resources invariably passes the ministerial doorstep, where concessions are sold and royalties collected. China helps African governments ignore Western nagging about human rights: its support has allowed Sudan to avoid UN sanctions over Darfur. And some Africans look on China as a development model, replacing the tough Washington Consensus with a “Beijing Consensus”: China's economic progress is cited by statists, protectionists and thugs alike to “prove” that keeping the state's grip on companies, trade and political freedoms need not stop a country growing by 8%-plus a year.
Think again, Africa
The Chinese part of this puzzle is easier to deal with: even if it is not the first resource-hungry power to behave poorly in Africa, China should be condemned wherever it bribes, cajoles or (in the case of Sudan) permits genocide. But what about the African hope that China provides an economic model?
Sadly, China's success is an obstacle, as well as an inspiration. Its rise has bid up the price of Africa's traditional raw commodities, and depressed the price of manufactured goods. Thus Africa's factories and assembly lines, such as they are, are losing out to its mines, quarries and oilfields in the competition for investment. Even if Africa's labour is cheap enough to compete with China's, its roads, ports and customs are far from good enough. If they are to provide jobs for their workers, not just rents for their governments, Africa's economies must find less-exposed niches in the world economy, such as tourism or cut flowers. And they should look not to China, but to Chile or Botswana for examples of how to turn natural bounty into shared prosperity.
China is doing its bit to improve infrastructure, building roads and railways. But it could do more to open up its own markets. China is quite open to yarn, but not jerseys; diamonds, but not jewellery. If it has as much “solidarity” with Africa as it claims, it could offer to lower tariffs on processed goods. Chinese firms have also ignored international initiatives to make project finance greener (the “Equator Principles”) and to make mining industries cleaner (the “Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative”). Even with China's backing, these outside efforts might not succeed: honesty and greenery come from within. Without it, they will certainly fail.
For their part, Africa's leaders could also play their hands rather better. They should talk to each other as well as their hosts in Beijing. If they negotiated as a block, they could drive a harder bargain. Just as China insists that foreigners enter into joint ventures with its companies, so Africans should make sure they get China's know-how, not just its money.